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PRECISELY what is meant by the Monroe Doctrine is still a matter of discussion by historians and publicists; it is a system or principle which is to guide the United States in her relations with other American powers, and to determine her policy in questions relative to America arising with European powers. The doctrine has been formulated chiefly by the Presidents in public addresses or messages, or through despatches of the Secretary of State; hence it has been very differently stated at various times. In a few cases a part of the doctrine has been included in treaties, but no such treaty has ever been ratified by the Senate. The House of Representatives has at various times passed declaratory resolutions setting forth some phase of the doctrine. The foundation of the Monroe Doctrine is the principle that the United States has no part in European international politics, but should keep out of "entangling alliances." In 1823, the attempt of Russia to 66 colonize a part of the region then called Oregon, and the threat that foreign powers would assist Spain to recover her revolted American colonies led to a declaration by Monroe, which is the first distinct assertion of the doctrine by a President. That part which related to colonization was later appealed to, as a reason for opposing foreign acquisition of Texas, Cuba and Mexico. The part relative to the European political system" has sometimes been construed to mean that the United States was bound to protect American powers from foreign attack. By an extension of the doctrine beyond any statement of Monroe's it has been held to give the United States a kind of pro tectorate over other American powers, such as justified interference in case of war between two of our neighbors. The doctrine has also been invoked as asserting for the United States a paramount interest in and right to control, an interoceanic canal. In ts extreme form the doctrine has sometimes been stated to be that it was "manifest destiny that the whole continent of North America should fall to the United States. The best discussions of the Monroe Doctrine are; George F. Tucker, The Monroe Doctrine, (Boston, 1885); Francis Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the United States, (Washington, 1886), §§. 57-61, 72; Richard H. Dana, Wheaton's Elements of International Law, (Boston, 1866), notes to pp. 97-112. 1787. HAMILTON IN THE FŒDERALIST. In the prosecution of military operations in the West Indies, it will readily be perceived, that a situation so favorable would enable us to bargain with great advantage for commercial privileges. A price would be set, not only upon our friendship, but upon our neutrality. By a steady adherence to the Union, we may hope, erelong, to become the Arbiter of Europe in America; and to be able to incline the balance of European competitions in this part of the world, as our interest may dictate. But in the reverse of this eligible situation, we shall discover, that the rivalships of the parts would make them checks upon each other and would frustrate all the tempting advantages which nature has kindly placed within our reach. In a state so insignificant, our commerce would be a prey to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations at war with each other; who, having nothing to fear from us, would, with little scruple or remorse, supply their wants by depredations on our property, as often as it fell in their way. The rights of neutrality will only be respected, when they are defended by an adequate power. A nation, despicable by its weakness, forfeits even the privilege of being neutral. Under a vigorous National Government, the natural strength and resources of the country, directed to a common interest, would baffle all the combinations of European jealousy to restrain our growth. This situation would even take away the motive to such combinations, by inducing an impracticability of success. An active commerce, an extensive navigation, and a flourishing marine, would then be the inevitable offspring of moral and physical necessity. We might defy the little arts of little politicians to control or vary the irresistible and unchangeable course of nature.—The Fœderalist, No. XI. 1795, Dec. 8. WASHINGTON'S ANNUAL ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. Conten plating the internal situation as well as the external relations of the United States, we discover equal cause for contentment and satisfaction. While many of the nations or Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrection; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has imbittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burdens, which press upon all the departments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of government, our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquillity—a tranquillity the more satisfactory because maintained at the expense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others.-Williams, Statesman's Manual, I., 61. 1796, Sept. 17. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand on foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest.—Williams, Statesman's Manual, I., 77. 1797, May 16. JOHN ADAMS'S SPECIAL MESSAGE. Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves |