1826, May 8.

SECRETARY CLAY'S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE

ENVOYS TO THE PANAMA CONGRESS.

In December, 1823, the then President of the United States, in his annual message upon the opening of Congress, announced as a principle applicable to this continent, which ought hereafter to be insisted on, that no European nation ought to be allowed to plant upon it new colonies. It was not proposed by that principle to disturb pre-existing European colonies already established in America; the principle worked forward, not backward.—Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 280.

1845, Dec. 2. POLK'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.

The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied, the addition of new states to our confederacy, the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation, are attracting the attention of the powers of Europe; and lately the doctrine has been broached in some of them, of a "balance of power" on this continent, to check our advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent; and should any such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards. It is well known to the American people and to all nations, that this government has never interfered with the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never made

ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and believing our own form of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate .their internal affairs. The people of the United States can not, therefore, view with indifference attempts of European

powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the “balance of power." It cannot be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle, that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with our confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine, without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it might disturb the "balance of power" which they may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that "the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is, at this day, but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be respected; but it is due alike to our safety and our interests, that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.-Williams, Statesman's Manual, III., 1457-1458.

1848, Apr. 29. POLK'S SPECIAL MESSAGE.

While it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of any measure with a view to the acquisition of the "dominion and sovereignty" over Yucatan, yet, according to our established policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this “dominion and sovereignty" to either Spain, Great Britain, or any other European power. In the language of President Monroe, in his message of December, 1823, we should consider

any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." -Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 287. 1848, June 3. SECRETARY BUCHANAN TO MINISTER HISE.

The independence as well as the interests of the nations on this continent require that they should maintain an American system of policy entirely distinct from that which prevails in Europe. To suffer any interference on the part of the European Governments with the domestic concerns of the American Republics, and to permit them to establish new colonies upon this continent, would be to jeopard their independence and ruin their interests. These truths ought everywhere throughout this continent to be impressed upon the public mind; but what can the United States do to resist such European interference whilst the Spanish-American Republics continue to weaken themselves by divisions and civil war, and deprive themselves of doing anything for their own protection?-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 287-288.

1850, Apr. 19.

CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY WITH ENGLAND.

ARTICLE I. The Governments of the United States and Great Britain hereby declare that neither the one nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive control over the said ship-canal; agreeing that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same, or in the vicinity thereof, or occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America; nor will either make use of any protection which either affords or may

afford, or any alliance which either has or may have to or with any State or people for the purpose of erecting or maintaining any such fortifications, or of occupying, fortifying, or colonizing Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America, or of assuming or exercising dominion over the same.-Treaties and Conventions Concluded between the U. S. and Other Powers (ed. of 1889.), p. 441.

1852, Dec. 1. SECRETARY EVERETT TO THE COMTE DE SARTIGES.

But the case would be different in reference to the transfer of Cuba from Spain to any other European power. That event could not take place without a serious derangement of the international system now existing, and it would indicate designs in reference to this hemisphere which could not but awake alarm in the United States.

We should view it in somewhat the same light in which France and England would view the acquisition of some important island in the Mediterranean by the United States. . . .

There is another strong objection to the proposed agreement. Among the oldest traditions of the Federal Government is aversion to political alliances with European powers.— Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 563-564.

1858, Oct. 21.

SECRETARY CASS TO MINISTER DODGE.

[The United States] will not consent to the subjugation of any of the independent states of this continent to European powers, nor to the exercise of a protectorate over them, nor to any other direct political influences to control their policy or institutions.—Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 288.

1860, Sept. 20. SECRETARY CASS TO MINISTER MCLANE.

While we do not deny the right of any other power to carry on hostile operations against Mexico, for the redress of its grievances, we firmly object to its holding possession of any part of that country, or endeavoring by force to control its political destiny. . . .

I have already referred to the extent of the principle of foreign interference which we maintain with regard to Mexico. It is proper to add that while that principle denies the right of any power to hold permanent possession of any part of that country, or to endeavor by force to direct or control its political destiny, it does not call in question its right to carry on hostile operations against that Republic for the redress of any real grievances it may have suffered. But we insist that such hostilities be fairly prosecuted for that purpose and be not converted into the means of acquisition or of political contract. Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 299–300.

1860, Dec. 4. BUCHANAN'S FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

The time had arrived, in my opinion, when this Government was bound to exert its power to avenge and redress the wrongs of our citizens and to afford them protection in Mexico. . I deemed it my duty to recommend to Congress, in my last annual message, the employment of a sufficient military force to penetrate into the interior. . . . European Governments would have been deprived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and domestic concerns of Mexico. We should thus have been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by force should this become necessary, any attempt by these Governments to deprive our neighboring republic of portions of her territory—a duty from which we could not shrink without abandoning the traditional and established policy of the American people.—Congressional Globe, 1860–61, II., App., pp. 5–6. 1861, Apr. 6. SECRETARY SEWARD TO MINISTER CORWIN.

The President, as you are well aware, is of the opinion that, alienated from the United States as the Spanish American republics have been for some time past-largely, perhaps, by reason of errors and prejudices peculiar to themselves, and yet not altogether without fault on our own part-that those States, and the United States, nevertheless, in some respects, hold a common attitude and relation towards all other nations; that it is the interest of them all to be friends as they are neighbors, and to mutually maintain and support each other