in; at last he was obliged to yield to force, and was, with the others, shut up in a dungeon, where they confine the worst of delinquents and banditti, very much bruised, and almost naked. Any one present must have pitied them, particularly Murat. The agent of the Duke del Infantado (a Spanish nobleman) sent them shirts, coats and breeches, with every thing necessary to clothe themselves, because their clothes had been torn from their backs, and rent to pieces by the fury of the populace. Murat finding himself thus secured, was very dispirited, and asked if there was either an Austrian or English Vice-Consul here? A person came immediately to my house, saying Murat wanted me, and having hesitated to go, he sent a second time. In fine, I went, and presenting myself at the bar of the cell, Murat said to me, "You are the English Vice-Consul," I answered yes, and added, "You, Signor, are Gen. Murat?" he replied, saying, "Signor Consul, do you know me?” I answered no. To this, Murat spoke to me in the following words: "I am King Joachim, and have claims on the kingdom of Naples." He likewise said, "I have a passport from the Allied Powers, to go to Trieste to join my family." He desired the officer to let me see it, but I did not, as the officer refused. He then told me his passport was sent from Paris, signed by Prince Metternich and Lord Stuart, the English minister at Paris, under the name of the Count de Laparal. He added, that he should now put himself under my protection, with these words: "If I had had a dagger when I was arrested, I would have destroyed myself." I asked the object of his landing here, he answered, that it was only to procure a larger vessel to proceed to Trieste. I then inquired from whence he came, he replied, from Corsica, but lastly from Ajaccio, and that he left that place on the 28th September. I said, "How could you be in Corsica, when there are French troops there?" He answered, it is true, but the King of France had never taken part against me, nor had ever issued orders to arrest my person. Therefore, assist me, as I am not dead yet. He then exclaimed, "I, who have subjugated Europe, to be now shut up in this dungeon!" I answered, "You have done every thing to ruin yourself." "How?" Because you ran about crying, long live King Joachim, long live Murat. He replied, "it was not me, but some

of my people." One of them, who was near the bar, spoke the following words to his face: "Was it not thou who shouted long live King Joachim, and now thou deniest it?" He then desired me to procure him a little water, which was immediately brought him, when a peasant, who was on guard, cried out, "Will you likewise have, like the Holy God, a little poison and vinegar?" These circumstances seem almost incredible, but they are nevertheless true. They say Rona Romana remained on board the vessel. Murat's company was comprised of two Generals, two Commissaries of War, and several officers, with nineteen or twenty soldiers. There were found on them several proclamations, seducing the people, and other papers which confirmed that his intention in coming here was to promote a revolution; and if Murat had reached Monteleone at this moment, half the population of the two provinces would have gone over to him. Gen. Nunziante is since arrived here, and has provided Murat and his associates with every thing necessary. Murat he also treats well. This is a succinct and true account of what has happened, and on which you may depend, having been myself an occular witness to the whole.

PIRZO, OCTOBER 15, 1815.

The following is a brief account of the unfortunate end of Joachim Murat.

On Thursday last (the 12th instant) arrived an Estafette from Naples, and another at 9 o'clock, directed to Marshal Nunziante, with orders to assemble a Military Commission to try Murat. They immediately began to call the witnesses to depose what Murat had said on his arrival in this place. In the mean time the commission, was formed, consisting of Marshal Nunziante, a Lieutenant-Colonel and Captain, with the Procurator General of Monteleone. The suite of Murat was then placed in close confinement, and he was left in a room with a guard upon him. An hour before the reading of the sentence, he knew the commission was sitting, and through me, desired to speak with General Nunziante, but he was informed he was not then present. Murat impatient, wrote a note to the said General, but it was not received, it being intimated to him, that no letters

could be admitted. At length, the process finished, not more than twelve hours having elapsed, as the Estafettes arrived in the evening of the 12th, and it was terminated at 9 o'clock in the morning of the 13th. By the decision of the Procurator General, he was condemned to die, which sentence was agreed to by the votes of the whole commission. It was then read to him by one of those who composed the said commission, on which he exclaimed, "How! does Ferdinand IVth wish my death? What have I done? It displeases me much to find the violence with which the Court of Naples has treated this affair." A confessor then entered the apartment, and exhorted him to confess; but Murat answered him, "My sins are so heavy, that none but God himself can pardon them." At least, said the confessor, make some confession; he seemed much affected-The confessor again pressed it, in order to do away what might be said. He then took a pen, and wrote in the last moments of his life, "I have lived a christian, and die a true christian." He desired a pair of scissors, to cut off some hair to be sent to his wife, but it was not permitted. The time for putting the sentence into execution being elapsed, (orders from Naples not to exceed a quarter of an hour after it was passed) he was told to move towards the place destined for his execution, in the same prison, and coming out of the room, a Neapolitan Officer gave him a handkerchief to blind himself, but he refused it. Arrived at the destined spot, with an intrepid countenance, turning immediately his face to the soldiers, and placing his hand upon his breast, he gave the word "Fire." They fired twelve shots at his breast, which killed him instantaneously, and three in the head after he fell. His body was placed in a rough wooden box and carried to the Church, without a bier or any religious ceremony, on the shoulders of six soldiers, accompanied by fifteen or twenty others, and buried in a pit where they throw the most despicable felons. The trial of this unfortunate man has been similar to that of the most infamous brigands. This is a correct account of the miserable end of Joachim Murat.

The populace, not sufficiently satiated, dug up Murat's body, and attempted to burn it; upon the interference of a respectable magistrate, they shot him, and consumed their bodies together. Ferdinand has pardoned all Murat's suite.This act does him honour.

[A Society has been established in Massachusetts, by some christian philanthropists, to discourage war. Whateyer opinion may be entertained of the utility of this Institution, no doubt can exist about the purity of the motives of the respectable individuals who compose it. One of the strongest arguments for war in Europe, a crowded popnlation, cannot be found in this country for a long period of time. The following letters were received by the founder of this Society, in answer to an application to the writers. for their support of its views. Any letters coming from such eminent men as Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, must be interesting; but these are highly characteristick. We copy them from the 4th number of "the Friend of Peace," a work published under the auspices of this Society.]

SIR,

Mr. Jefferson's Answer.

MONTICELLO, JAN. 29, 1816.

Your letter, bearing date October 18, 1815, came only to hand the day before yesterday, which is mentioned to explain the date of mine. I have to thank you for the pamphlets accompanying it, to wit, the Solemn Review, the Friend of Peace or Special Interview, and the Friend of Peace, No. 2. The first of these I had received through another channel some months ago. I have not read the two last steadily through, because where one assents to propositions as soon as announced, it is loss of time to read the arguments in support of them. These numbers discuss the first branch of the causes of war, that is to say, wars undertaken for the point of honour, which you aptly analogize with the act of duelling between individuals, and reason with justice from the one to the other. Undoubtedly this class of wars is, in the general, what you state them to be, "needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as antichristian.'

The second branch of this subject, to wit, wars undertaken on account of wrong done, and which may be likened to the act of robbery in private life, I presume will be treated of in your future numbers. I observe this class mentioned in the Solemn Review, p. 10, and the question asked, "Is it common for a nation to obtain a redress of wrongs by war?" The answer to this question you will of Vol. III. No. 7.

5

course draw from history; in the mean time, reason will, answer it on grounds of probability, that where the wrong has been done by a weaker nation, the stronger one has generally been able to enforce redress; but where by a stronger nation, redress by war has been neither obtained nor expected by the weaker; on the contrary, the loss has been increased by the expenses of the war, in blood and treasure: yet it may have obtained another object, equally securing itself from future wrong. It may have retaliated on the aggressor, losses of blood and treasure, far beyond the value to him, of the wrong he had committed, and thus have made the advantage of that too dear a purchase to leave him in a disposition to renew the wrong in future; in this way, the loss by the war may have secured the weaker nation from loss by future wrong. The case you state of two boxers, both of whom get a "terrible bruising," is apposite to this; he, of the two who committed the aggression on the other, although victor in the scuffle, yet probably finds his aggression not worth the bruising it has cost him. To explain this by numbers, it is alleged, that Great-Britain took from us, before the late war, near 1000 vessels, and that during the war, we took from her 1400; that before the war, she seized, and made slaves of 6000 of our citizens, and that in the war we killed more than 6000 of her subjects, and caused her to expend such a sum as amounted to 4 or 5000 guineas a head for every slave she made. She might have purchased the vessels she took, for less than the value of those she lost, and have used the 6000 of her men killed, for the purposes to which she applied ours, have saved the 4 or 5000 guineas a head, and obtained a character of justice, which is valuable to a nation as to an individual. These considerations, therefore, leave her without inducement to plunder property, and take men in future on such dear fermis. I neither affirm nor deny the truth of these allegations, nor is their truth material to the question; they are possible, and therefore present a case which will claim your consideration, in a discussion of the general question; Whether any degree of injury can render a recourse to war expedient? Still less do I propose, to draw to myself any part in this discussion. Age, and its effects both on body and mind, has weaned my attentions from publick subjects, and left me unequal to the labours of correspondence, beyond the limits of my personal concerns. I retire therefore