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that had it for a by-word, when he saw men hasten to a conclusion, 'Stay a little, that we may make an end the sooner.'

Above all things, order, and distribution, and singling out of parts, is the life of despatch, so as the distribution be not too subtile; for he that doth not divide will never enter well into business, and he that divideth too much will never come out of it clearly. To choose time is to save time, and an unseasonable motion is but beating the air. There be three parts of business-the preparation, the debate or examination, and the perfection; whereof, if you look for despatch, let the middle only be the work of many, and the first and last the work of few. The proceeding upon somewhat conceived in writing doth for the most part facilitate despatch; for though it should be wholly rejected, yet that negative is more pregnant of direction than an indefinite, as ashes are more generative than dust.

Here is the greater part of the Twenty-sixth, entitled "Of Seeming Wise," also published in 1612 :

It hath been an opinion that the French are wiser than they seem, and the Spaniards seem wiser than they are. But howsoever it be between nations, certainly it is so between man and man. For as the apostle saith of godliness, 'Having a show of godliness, but denying the power thereof;' so certainly there are in points of wisdom and sufficiency that do nothing or little very solemnly-Magno conatu nugas.* It is a ridiculous thing, and fit for a satire to persons of judgment, to see what shifts these formalists have, and what prospectives to make superficies to seem body that hath depth and bulk. Some are so close and reserved as they will not show their wares but by a dark light, and seem always to keep back somewhat; and when they know within themselves they speak of that they do not well know, would nevertheless seem to others to know of that which they may not well speak. Some help themselves with countenance and gestures, and are wise by signs, as Cicero saith of Pisothat when he answered him, he fetched one of his brows up to his forehead, and bent the other down to his chin-' Respondes altero ad frontem sublato, altero ad mentum depresso supercilio, crudelitatem tibi non placere.'† Some think to bear it

Trifles with great parade.

You answer with one brow raised to your forehead, and the other depressed to your chin, that cruelty is not pleasing to you.

by speaking a great word and being peremptory, and go on, and take by admittance that which they cannot make good. Some, whatsoever is beyond their reach will seem to despise or make light of it, as impertinent or curious, and so would have their ignorance seem judgment. Seeming wise men may make shift to get opinion, but let no man choose them for employment, for certainly you were better take for business a man somewhat absurd than over formal.

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The Twenty-seventh, "Of Friendship," likewise in the collection of 1612, is long; but the following passages are the most notable, or those that best admit of being separated from the context:

Little do men perceive what solitude is, and how far it extendeth; for a crowd is not company, and faces are but a gallery of pictures, and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no love.

......

It is a strange thing to observe how high a rate great kings and monarchs do set upon this fruit of friendship whereof we speak, so great as they purchase it many times at the hazard of their own safety and greatness. For princes, in regard of the distance of their fortune from that of their subjects and servants, cannot gather this fruit, except (to make themselves capable thereof) they raise some persons to be as it were companions, and almost equal to themselves, which many times

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Augustus raised Agrippa (though of mean birth) to that height, as when he consulted with Mæcenas about the marriage of his daughter Julia, Mæcenas took the liberty to tell him, 'That he must either marry his daughter to Agrippa, or take away his life, there was no third way, he had made him so great.' With Tiberius Cæsar, Sejanus had ascended to that height, as they two were termed and reckoned as a pair of friends. Tiberius, in a letter to him, saith, 'Hæc pro amicitia nostra non occultavi ;'* and the whole senate dedicated an altar to Friendship, as to a goddess, in respect of the great dearness of friendship between them two. The like or more was between Septimius Severus and Plautianus, for he forced his eldest son to marry the daughter of Plautianus, and would maintain

* On account of our friendship I have not concealed these

matters.

Plautianus in doing affronts to his son; and did write also in a letter to the senate by these words—I love the man so well, as I wish he may over-live me.' Now if these princes had been as a Trajan or a Marcus Aurelius, a man might have thought that this had proceeded of an abundant goodness of nature; but being men so wise, of such strength and severity of mind, and so extreme lovers of themselves, as all these were, it proveth most plainly that they found their own felicity (though as great as ever happened to mortal men) but as a half-piece, except they might have a friend to make it entire; and yet, which is more, they were princes that had wives, sons, nephews; and yet all these could not supply the comfort of friendship.

The parable of Pythagoras is dark, but true-Cor ne edito' (Eat not the heart). Certainly if a man would give it a hard phrase, those that want friends to open themselves unto, are cannibals of their own hearts. But one thing is most admirable (wherewith I will conclude this first-fruit of friendship), which is, that this communicating of a man's self to his friend works two contrary effects, for it redoubleth joys and cutteth griefs in halves: for there is no man that imparteth his joys to his friend, but he joyeth the more; and no man that imparteth his griefs to his friend, but he grieveth the less. So that it is in truth of operation upon a man's mind of like virtue as the alchymists use to attribute to their stone for man's body, that it worketh all contrary effects, but still to the good and benefit of na

ture.......

The second-fruit of friendship is healthful and sovereign for the understanding, as the first is for the affections; for friendship maketh indeed a fair day in the affections from storm and tempests, but it maketh daylight in the understanding out of darkness and confusion of thoughts. Neither is this to be understood only of faithful counsel which a man receiveth from his friend; but before you come to that, certain it is that whosoever hath his mind fraught with many thoughts, his wits and understanding do clarify and break up in the communicating and discoursing with another: he tosseth his thoughts more easily, he marshaleth them more orderly, he seeth how they look when they are turned into words: finally, he waxeth wiser than himself, and that more by an hour's discourse than by a day's meditation. It was well said by Themistocles to the King of Persia, That speech was like cloth of Arras opened and put abroad, whereby the imagery doth appear in figure, whereas in thoughts they lie but as in packs. Neither is this secondfruit of friendship, in opening the understanding, restrained

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only to such friends as are able to give a man counsel (they indeed are best); but even without that a man learneth of himself, and bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits as against a stone, which itself cuts not. In a word, a man were better relate himself to a statue or picture than to suffer his thoughts to pass in smother.

......

Heraclitus saith well in one of his Enigmas, 'Dry light is ever the best:' and certain it is, that the light that a man receiveth by counsel from another is drier and purer than that which cometh from his own understanding and judgment, which is ever infused and drenched in his affections and customs. So as there is as much difference between the counsel that a friend giveth and that a man giveth himself, as there is between the counsel of a friend and of a flatterer; for there is no such flatterer as in a man's self, and there is no such remedy against flattery of a man's self as the liberty of a friend. . . .

The Twenty-eighth Essay, entitled "Of Expense," which is very short, is the first we have come to of the Ten original Essays published in 1597. It contains, among others, these two practical directions:

......

A man

Certainly, if a man will keep but of even-hand, his ordinary expenses ought to be but to the half of his receipts; and if he think to wax rich, but to the third part. ought warily to begin charges, which, once begun, will continue; but in matters that return not, he may be more magnificent.

The Twenty-ninth Essay is entitled "Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates," and appeared in part in the edition of 1612. It is long, and very masterly and characteristic. We will transcribe the most remarkable passages:

Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be stout and warlike. Nay, number itself in armies importeth not much, where the people is of weak courage; for, as Virgil saith, 'It never troubles a wolf how many the sheep be.' The army of the Persians, in the plains of Arbela, was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat astonish the commanders in Alexander's army; who came to him, therefore, and wished him to set upon them by night

but he answered, 'He would not pilfer the victory;' and the defeat was easy. When Tigranes, the Armenian, being encamped upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, discovered the army of the Romans, being not above fourteen thousand, marching towards him, he made himself merry with it, and said, "Yonder men are too many for an ambassage, and too few for a fight;' but before the sun set he found them enough to give him the chase with infinite slaughter. Many are the examples of the great odds between number and courage, so that a man may truly make a judgment, that the principal point of greatness in any state is to have a race of military men. Neither is money the sinews of war, as it is trivially said, where the sinews of men's arms in base and effeminate people are failing. For Solon said well to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his gold), 'Sir, if any other come that hath better iron than you, he will be master of all this gold.' Therefore let any prince or state think soberly of his forces, except his militia of natives be of good and valiant soldiers; and let princes on the other side, that have subjects of martial disposition, know their own strength, unless they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for mercenary forces, which is the help in this case, all examples show that whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them, 'He may spread his feathers for a time, but he will mew them soon after."

By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk of Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy be great enough to bear the branches and the boughs-that is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state bear a sufficient proportion to the strangersubjects that they govern. Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization towards strangers are fit for empire; for to think that an handful of people can, with the greatest courage and policy in the world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail suddenly. The Spartans were a nice people in point of naturalization, whereby, while they kept their compass, they stood firm; but when they did spread, and their boughs were become too great for their stem, they became a windfall upon the sudden. Never any state was in this point so open to receive strangers into their body as were the Romans, therefore it sorted with them accordingly, for they grew to the greatest monarchy. Their manner was to grant naturalization (which they called jus civitatis) and to grant it in the highest degree, that is, not only jus commercii,*

* Right of trade.

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