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the social and political state of Ireland."

We shall not for the present concern ourselves with his explanation of the phenomenon; our own more simple explanation of the matter is, that he received from the party an exaggerated account of the wealth they were acquir

which M. De Beaumont describes, and their condition is every day improving. There are in Ireland, at the present moment, hundreds, and even thousands of farmers who live in good slated houses, with commodious offices attached, and who possess three or four hundred pounds of capital; and the number of those substantial veo-ing, while on the other hand, those in the men is every day increasing, as the landlords perceive and feel the advantage of having such a tenantry, rather than middlemen paying an inadequate rent, or pauper cottiers not able to pay the extravagant rent they offer. In this respect all the changes tend towards improvement. An estate once let to good solvent tenants, never falls back into the hands of middlemen or paupers; and, every day, more estates are submitted to these improvements. The race of middlemen will soon become extinct, as the subletting act enables landlords to enforce covenants against underletting, and the owners of the soil are now generally convinced of the impolicy of permitting the system on their estates.

It is an equal exaggeration to assert, that the protestant is invariably rich, and the catholic a pauper. It is, indeed, true that, as a class, the protestants possess more wealth in proportion to their numbers than the Roman Catholics. But, even this the latter scarcely admit, when it suits their purpose to deny it; and M. De Beaumont, familiar as he is with the pamphlets and speeches of the Irish radicals, must have met many contradictions of his statements in the works to which, on other points, he yields implicit faith. On such authority, forgetting his previous assertions, he states that, in 1829, nine-tenths of the funds of the Bank of Ireland belonged to Roman Catholics, (v. 2. p. 82.) There, after giving an exaggerated account of the wealth of the Irish Roman Catholics, he adds:" Cependant, c'est un phenomene, strange en Irelande, et, peut etre, particulier a ce pays, qu'en meme temps que de nouvelles fortunes y sout crées, le nombre des nouveaux riches ne s'y accroit pas en proportion. C'est que souvent, apres que la fortune est crée, le riche s'en va et ceci s'explique par l'etat social et politique de l'Irlande." "Nevertheless, it is a strange circumstance, and, perhaps, peculiar to Ireland, that while new fortunes are acquired there, the number of rich upstarts does not increase there in the same proportion. The reason is, that often after the fortune has been acquired, the rich man leaves the country, and this is explained by

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actual possession of fortunes were rather anxious to conceal than to display the lateness of the acquisition. Thus M. De Beaumont admits, and even exaggerates the increasing wealth of the Roman Catholics. We cheerfully admit that the disparity in wealth between them and the Protestants is every day decreasing, and indeed it is almost a demonstrable truth, that there is in the nature of things a strong tendency to distribute the wealth of the country between those two parties in a fair proportion to their numbers. In the daily changes that take place, the properties lost by each party will be in proportion to the properties possessed by it: the properties gained will be in proportion to the numbers employed in the pursuit of riches, i.e. nearly in proportion to the total number of the party. Formerly this tendency was counteracted in a great measure by the state of the law and the state of the country. We will not provoke discussion by asserting that the Protestant religion was more congenial to the rich man, from his superior education and cultivated understanding, while, on the other hand, the Roman Catholic religion, appealing to his fears more than to his reason, was better suited to the superstitious ignorance of the Irish poor. It is enough for our purpose to remark, that the penal laws pressed with much more severity upon the rich man than upon the poor, and that the former lay under a stronger temptation to free himself, by conformity, from those disabilities which prevented him from assuming that place in society to which his rank and wealth entitled him. The superior learning and education of the clergy of the Established Church gave the Protestant religion an influence with the rich, which it did not possess over the poor, who could not appreciate those qualities. On the other hand, the state of the country enabled the Roman Catholics to exercise a more cruel tyranny against the poorer Protestants, who were grievously oppressed by the numbers and the union of their adversaries. The poor Protestant found his life endangered at every fair and place of public resort. His cattle and crops were destroyed, and the morning never rose that he did not examine his pre

mises with the dread that some invasion of his property may have left him a ruined man. Exposed to such assaults and depredation, the Protestant farmer was not able to pay that rent for his land which the Roman Catholic was ready to promise, and the blind selfishness of landlords too often led them to expel their Protestant tenants to make room for Roman Catholics who would promise a higher rent. The foriner departed with the remnants of their property, to seek in a foreign land that protection which was denied to them at home. This species of persecution has not yet ceased, indeed it never raged more violently than during the last few years, while it enjoyed the countenance of Lord Normanby's government; but its influence in leading to an expulsion of Protestant tenants has been on the decline, since landlords have discovered that the prosperity and security of their property depend upon their giving a due protection to their Protestant tenantry. A Roman Catholic farmer will never give up a farm of which he has once obtained possession. It is no matter whether his lease be expired, or his rent unpaid, or what laws or what contracts he violates by keeping possession, he will not give it up until compelled by force of law, and if compelled, the vengeance of his party will be displayed in deeds of sanguinary violence against the person and entire family of the man who cultivates a farm which its former possessor had been forced to relinquish, If the poor Protestant engages in a small trade, suited to his means and capabilities, his religion affords an invincible impediment to his success. The Roman Catholics, banded together under the guidance of their priest, refuse to deal with him, and his trade, for want of customers, yields him no profit. Even of many of those articles which the rich consume, their servants, who are principally Roman Catholics, are the immediate purchasers. Hence it happens that the small retail trades, which alone are within the power of the poor to conduct, cannot be undertaken by a Protestant with any prospect of success. This was strongly exemplified at the last Dublin election, where, of 11,406 votes polled, Mr. O Connell had a majority of only 95, and yet the numbers on the whole constituency being thus equally divided, they stood thus on the smaller tradesinen:- -Hucksters and provision dealers, West 15-O'Connell 229; Dairymen, West 1-O'Connell 156; Publicans, not including grocers or tavernkeepers, West 5-O'Connell 198; Butchers and poulterers, West 16

O'Connell 109. Thus O'Connell had a majority of 693 to 37 of those whose customers are either the poor themselves, or the rich, through the medium of their servants, and this in a city where one-third of the inhabitants are Protestants. This system of exclusive dealing has at length awakened the attention of the rich Protestants to the situation of their poorer brethren, and if persisted in will probably provoke them to retaliate, by adopting a similar system themselves. With all these disadvantages to contend against, the number of the Protestant poor and middle classes is increasing daily, and with this increase the power of exercising this persecution is gradually withdrawn from their adversaries.Thus the falsehood of M. De Beaumont's assertions, that the Protestant enjoys extreme wealth, while the Roman Catholic is plunged in an abyss of poverty is every day becoming more glaring, and the evil consequences that might flow from such a state of things need not be apprehended.

We would try M. De Beaumont's abuse of the aristocracy, and of its English and Protestant character, by. this fair and simple test. Are the tenants of Roman Catholic landlords of Irish descent happier, or, in their circumstances more comfortable, than those of the English Protestants, or even of the Irish Orangemen. Do these latter show their want of sympathy for the poor Roman Catholics by demanding more excessive rents, or by being less just or liberal in their dealings than if Roman Catholic landlords were in their place. We boldly assert that the direct contrary is the case, and that it is notorious that the best and kindest landlords in Ireland are Conservatives and Protestants, and that the few wretched cottiers whose condition approaches to that which M. De Beaumont describes as the general lot of the Irish farmers are only to be found on the estates of the most violent Radicals. This will not appear a paradox to those who consider what disposition is most likely to produce a Conservative or a Radical, a good landlord or a bad one. It is most natural that the same man who deceives the people should also oppress them. need not inquire into the cause; the fact itself is undoubted, that the poorest districts in Ireland are those in which the soil belongs to Radicals.

But we

M. De Beaumont considers every act and every feeling of a Protestant to spring from a dislike to Ireland or to the Roman Catholics. In page 300 he assigns as a reason why poor laws were not established in Ireland, his one

proposition in which he finds a cause for every evil, viz., that the rich being English and Protestant, have no sympathy for the poor, who are Irish and Catholic. Here, too, we might in contradiction refer to the fact, that to the general charitable institutions of the country the Protestants are the chief contributors, and that too in a proportion far exceeding the alleged superiority of their riches. But to show the spirit in which his book is written, it may suffice to observe that the poor laws were never made a party question, that many Roman Catholics (among them Mr. O'Connell) opposed their introduction; and M. De Beaumont himself, in his third part, chapter 1, section 3, argues at some length against the system of poor laws lately introduced into Ireland, and indeed against every system, which he at once condemns by this dilemma :—

"N'arrivera-t-il pas necessairement l'une de ces deux choses?-Ou l'on voudra executer la loi assez largement pour la rendre efficace, et alors elle sera impossible; ou bien on ne lui donnera d'autre execution que celle qui est practicable, et alors elle sera impuissante, si même elle n'est funeste."—"Will not one of these two things necessarily happen? Either an endeavour will be made to execute the law with such liberality as to give it efficacy, and this will be impossible; or the law will not be executed beyond what is practicable, and then it will be powerless, or will even lead to calamitous results."

His observations on the causes and effects of absenteeism afford a good example of the spirit in which he views every thing :-" Il arrive souvent d'attribuer tous les maux de l'Irlande au defaut de residence de l'aristocratie; mais c'est prendre une consequence du mal pour le mal lui même. L'aristocratie d'Irlande n'est point mauvaise parce qu'elle s'absente; elle s'absente parce qu'elle est mauvaise."

Again, in page 227

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Et le plus souvent le propriétaire ne prononce pas même ces paroles de regret, car il ne voit pas les misères dont il est l'auteur. Retiré dans son palais de Londres, il n'entend pas les cris de désespoir qui s' chappent de la cabane irlandaise; il ne sait point, sous le ciel pur et serein de l'Italie, si l'orage a foudroyé en Irlande la moisson du pauvre; il ne sait point à Naples si, faute de soleil, la récolte a manqué dans la froide Hybernie, si par contre-coup les pauvres colons, dont sa terre est couverte, sont tombés dans la détresse; il ignore si ces malheureux ont essuyé quelque coup imprévu de la fortune, telle qu'une longue maladie du chef de la famille, la perte de leur bétail; il ne

sait rien de ces choses, et il serait incommode pour lui de les savoir. Ce qu'il sait bien, c'est que 20,000 livres sterling lui sont dues par ses fermiers d'Irlande; que sa vie est réglée sur ce chiffre, que cette somme lui doit être payée à telle échéance, et qu'on ne saurait en différer le paiement un seul jour sans troubler l'ordre de ses habitudes et l'arrangement de ses plaisirs."

"And most frequently the proprietor does not pronounce even these words of regret, for he does not see the misery of which he is the author. Withdrawn to his palace in London, he does not hear the cries of despair which issue from the Irish cabin. Under the pure and serene sky of Italy he does not know if the storm has lodged the corn of the poor Irishman. At Naples he does not know if the harvest has failed for want of sun in the cold of Ireland, if, as the necessary consequence, the poor farmers with whom the land is covered have fallen into distress; he does not know if these unhappy beings have suffered some unexpected stroke of misfortune, such as the tedious illness of the father of a family, or the loss of their cattle; he knows none of these things, and it would be inconvenient for him to know them. What he does know well is that £20,000 a year are due to him by his Irish tenants, that his style of living is regulated by this amount of income, that this sum ought to be paid to him on such a day, and that the payment cannot be delayed a single day without disturbing the order of his habits, and the arrangement of his pleasures."

We are by no means a friend to absenteeism, but we feel ourselves compelled to state that M. De Beaumont is guilty of gross exaggeration in representing it as the general practice of the Irish landlords, and in describing its evil consequences. It is only a matter of justice to admit that the few estates which belong to absentee proprietors of £20,000 a-year, are among the best managed estates in the country. We appeal to all who are acquainted with the estates of the Duke of Devonshire, Marquis of Lansdowne, Marquis of Hertford, Marquis of Abercorn, and Earl Fitzwilliam for the justice of this remark. It appears that the English habits and English sympathies of those noblemen for the poor afford a compensation for the disadvantages of their absence. In vol. 2, p. 83, our author finds a sufficient excuse for the absence of the Roman Catholic who makes a fortune in this country." "Et ce n'est pas seulement la campagne qui est agitée; dans les villes, qui le sont moins a la verité, les partis

sout si violents, les querelles si animies, le spectacle des miseres du peuple si affreux, que leur sejour ne contente point l'homme qui, apres avoir travaille, voudrait jouir en paix du fruit de ses labours. Il arrive donc souvent que, ne trouvant point en Irlande cet asile de repos, les nouveaux enrichis le vont chercher dans quelque villes d' Angle terre. On voit comment beaucoup font leur fortune en Irlande sans qu'un egal nombre y reside; et c'est cependant la residence qui est a considerer bien plus que la fortune faite. Il ne s'agit pas en effet, de savoir si des catholiques gagnent plus ou moins d'argent en plaidant ou en faisant le commerce, et si avec les fruits de leur profession ils achetent de la terre ou des rentes in Irlande; mais bien s'ils vivent en Irlande sur cette terre," &c. Thus if some of the aristocracy prefer living in England among their equals and connexions, it is because they are a bad aristocracy and have no sympathy with their country; and yet it seems the state of Ireland is such as naturally to drive away from it many of those who made their fortunes and spent the greater part of their lives here; and whose habits, and friends, and acquaintances, and religion ought to make them prefer a residence in Ireland." It is ever thus with our author. Every act of the Protestants .or of the aristocracy is attributed to a hatred or want of sympathy towards Ireland, while he finds a ready excuse for the same conduct when pursued by members of the opposite party.

Even for the love of falsehood which in many places he states to be a characteristic of the Irish people he finds a sufficient excuse in the circumstances in which they have been placed. "Il n'est arrivé qu'à un très-petit nombre de subir cette dépravation complète; mais il n'en est peutêtre pas un seul qui, tout en demeurant fidèle à son culte religieux, n'ait été atteint d'une corruption au moins partielle. Tous ont

perdu l'amour du vrai parceque la franchise et la sincérité attiraient infailliblement la persécution sur leur tête; presque tous ont contracté l'habitude de mentir, parce que le mensonge a été pour eux pendant plus d'un siècle une arme nécessaire et légitime. Ils ont pris des habitudes de violence et de rébellion, sous l'influence d'une tyrannie qui les forçait de se placer en hostilité ouverte contre les lois. Mainteinant ne vous plaignez point si vous trouvez chez l'Irlandais une aversion générale pour le vrai, un goût absolu pour le mensonge. Est-ce qu'il est capable, grossier et ignorant comme vous l'avez fait, de tracer dans son

esprit avec quelque discernement une ligne de démarcation entre les cas où sa conscience peut l'absoudre d'un mensonge et ceux où elle ne saurait l'en justifier?" "It has happened to few only to suffer this complete depravation of character; but, perhaps, there is not a single Irishman who, in remaining faithful to his religious persuasion, has not been at least partially corrupted. All have lost the love of truth, because candour and sincerity infallibly drew down persecution on their head; almost all have contracted the habit of lying, because, for more than an age, falsehood has been their necessary and lawful weapon. They have adopted habits of violence and rebellion under the influence of a tyranny which forced them to place themselves in open hostility against the law. Now, do not complain if you find among the Irish a general aversion for truth, an absolute taste for falsehood. Gross and ignorant as you have made him, is he able, with any judg ment, to trace in his mind the line of demarcation between the cases in which his conscience can acquit him of a lie, and those in which it cannot justify him for it." The latter sentence would be more properly addressed to those who have taught the peasant that there are cases in which falsehood involves no guilt, and it shows the pernicious tendency of those doctrines, which, in so many instances, inculcate the innocence of falsehood, and thus impairs the love of truth in general. But, as against the English government his argument goes for nothing, it never taught the people to tell lies, nor ever placed even the guilty under the necessity of resorting to falsehood for his protection, since the laws of England, different in this respect from those of France, did not require the accused to answer any questions. It is not correct to say that any man suffered for speaking the truth in such a manner as to confound his moral perceptions. If a criminal confesses his guilt he is punished for his crime, not his confession. If he could escape punishment by a skilful fabrication of falsehood, it amounts to no more than this, that truth sometimes brings inconvenience to the speaker, if it did not, there would be no temptation to falsehood.

But the remainder of our observations we are obliged to defer to a future number, when we shall show that his opinion of the tendency and object of Lord Normanby's administration coincides with our own, the only difference being in our sentiments respecting the wild democracy which is to be substituted for our present constitution,

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