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might understand the Latin than that he might substitute an English version for it, the inflexions are not always adapted to the laws of syntax'. The peculiarities of orthography and inflexion in these glosses have been described fully by Mr Waring2, who shews what are the West-Saxon forms corresponding to the Northumbrian ones. But it may, nevertheless, be convenient to shew here, conversely, what are the Northumbrian forms corresponding to the West-Saxon ones. I consider only the Gospel of St Mark, commencing with ii. 16, where Owun's gloss begins in the Rushworth MS. The chief variations are in the vowels and diphthongs; I omit some of rare occurrence, and take the Lindisfarne MS. (L.) first.

Orthography. 1. The West-Saxon (Corpus MS.) a becomes a, o, ea in L. Ex. butan, L. buta, viii. 23; man, L. mon, v. 2; gaful, L. geafel, xii. 14. W.S. á becomes L. a, œ. Ex. gaste, L. gast, v. 2; hwam, L. hwam, iv. 30.

2. W.S. a becomes L. a, ae, a, e, oe, oœ, eœ.

Ex. was, L. was; reste-dages, L. to ræst-daege, ii. 28; sœwɣ, L. saueð, iv. 14; gærs, L. gers, iv. 28; dæge, L. doeg, vi. 2; cwæð, L. cuoæð, x. 5; L. forgeaf, x. 4.

W.S. & becomes L. a, e, œe.

Ex. ærest, L. arist, iv. 28; sæd, L. séd, iv. 27; sæ, L. sœe, vi. 48.

3. W.S. e becomes L. e, a, æ, i. Ex. ofer, L. ofer; welene, L. walana, iv. 19; heofenes, L. heofnæs, iv. 32; arest, L. ærist, iv. 28.

W. S. é becomes L. e, a, ea, oe. Ex. we; welene, L. walana (iv. 19); etan, L. eata, vii. 2; secap, L. soecað, iii. 32.

4. W.S. ea becomes L. ea, ɑ, œ, e. Ex. geleafan, L. geleafa, iv. 40; Sæhtung hia dedon, iii. 6; eagan, L.

sealde, L. salde, iv. 7, 8; peahtedon, L. ego, viii. 23.

5. W. S. eo becomes L. eo, ea, e, io. Ex. corde, L. eordo, iv. 28; L. eade 21; deofol, L. diobles, i. 39.

(for eode) v. 2; leoht, L. leht, iv.
6. W. S. i becomes L. i, io.
W. S. í becomes L. i, a. Ex.
7. W. S. o becomes L. o, u.
hlafurd (for hlaford) ii. 28.

Ex. in; L. genioma (for niman) iii. 27.

ripes tid, iv. 29; nihtes, L. on näht, iv. 27. Ex. L. ford-brohte, L. sona, iv. 29; L.

8. W. S. u becomes L. u, e, y, oe. Also W. S. w = L. u. Ex. L. uncur, iii. 10; gaful, L. geafel, xii. 14; asundron, L. syndrige, iv. 34; swustor, L. swoester, iii. 35. L. suæ = swa.

9. W. S. y becomes L. y, i, eo, ea, u. W. S. ý becomes L. y, io, e. Ex. mycel, L. miclo, iv. 39; sylf, L. seolf, iii. 25; syllanne, L. sylf, L. sulf, iii. 26. Also L. fyr, ix. 45; ansyne, ¡L. ansione, xii. 14; gehyrað, L. herað, iv. 3.

scyldig, iii. 29; seallane, xii. 14;

1 See above, p. xvii.

2 Lindisfarne and Rushworth Gospels (Surtees Society), part iv. pp. cxix—cxxv.

We also frequently find in L. the double vowels aa, ee, ii, uu, &c.; as in ingaað, iii. 27; feer-suigo, v. 42; gesiist, v. 31; huu, iv. 13. Observe also the curious forms innueeard, vii. 21; behaald, xii. 41; ongeaegn, xi. 2; neœnig, xii. 34; sæe, vi. 48.

As regards the consonants, we find occasionally the following changes.

1. W. S. g sometimes becomes L. c, as in rounc, L. viii. 34, for W. S. þrówung; cf. onfence, vi. 41. Conversely, we sometimes (but rarely) find W. S. c becoming L. g, as in licceterum, L. legerum, vii. 6. At the end of a word, we find in L. both cy and gc, as in rowincg, vi. 48; gebrægc, vi. 41.

2. W. S. c frequently becomes L. h, as in L. ah (passim) for ac. Sometimes also we find in L. ch, as in carchern, vi. 27; michel, iv. 5.

3. The letters d and are frequently interchanged in L.; possibly from their similarity of form, as in the Hatton MS. Ex. dære for dare, v. 41; mið for mid, v. 18.

4. The letters d and t are also frequently interchanged; as in sexdig for sextig, iv. 8; gemoetat for gemoetad, iv. 19. Cf. gebloedsade, vi. 41.

5. Other peculiarities of MS. L. are the prefixing of an aspirate, as in hræste, iv. 39; hlifige, v. 23; the frequent insertion of r, as in efern for efen, iv. 35; ondreardon for ondredon, v. 15; the insertion of w, as in cwom for com, iii. 20; the insertion of u between w and r, as in wurædia, x. 41; the use of wu for u at the beginning of a word, as in wurnon, vi. 55. We also often find a consonant doubled at the end of a word, as in sibb, v. 34; spræcc, iv. 34; blann, iv. 39; upp, iv. 6; gesætt, iv. 1. But instead of gg we find cg or gc, as in rowincg, vi. 48; gebrægc, vi. 41 (above noted); and instead of tt we find td, as in hwatd for hwætt, iv. 40.

Inflexions. The noun-endings in L. are rather anomalous and inconsistent. The most remarkable point is the frequent occurrence of final -o, especially in the nom. and acc. pl., as in suno, iii. 17; wuðuuto, iii. 22; ilco, iii. 23; fato, iii. 27; it also occurs in the singular, as in wrædo, iii. 21; eordo, iv. 1. But the fact is, that the terminating vowel must have been indistinct, so that we not only find synno, iii. 28, but synna, iv. 12; just as in v. 12 we find the pres. part. pl. ending in -endo in cwoedendo, but in ende in færende in the next verse. Another point worthy of remark is that the termination -an (of Rask's first declension) does not appear, but is replaced by -es or -æs, -e, -a, or -o1. Ex. tunga, tungas, earo, vii. 33-35.

The pronouns present some remarkable forms, such as mines for min, x. 47; mec and meh for me, xiv. 6, 7; dines for din, v. 19; dec for de, v. 34; woe

1 Lind. and Rush. Gospels (Surtees Soc.); pt. iv. p. cxxii.

xiv. 5; pl. nom. and acc. avoided; see X. 36 and inra, x. 37; iwer, x. 43;

for we, xi. 33; usra as gen. pl. of the first person, xii. 7; usic for us; gie for ge; iuih, iuh for eow, ix. 19. In the third person, we find fem. nom. hiu, vi. 24; fem. dat. hir, v. 33; fem. acc. hia, xiv. 6; hea, hia, gen. hiora, vi. 6; dat. him. The dual form is xi. 2. Of possessive pronouns, we may specially note iuer, xi. 25; iueres, x. 5; and, as an instance of irregularity, iuerra in xi. 25, as compared with iuero in the following verse. Of demonstratives, we may note fem. nom. diu, v. 32; fem. gen. æræ, vi. 22, and dative dære for dare, v. 41; also fem. nom. dios, xiii. 30; fem. acc. ius, xii. 10; and, as an instance of irregularity, fem. nom. das (for as) and dius in the same verse (viii. 12), and immediately afterwards the false concord of disum, dat. masc. with cneoreso, dat. fem. Such false concords are by no means uncommon.

But it is in the verbs that the peculiarities of the dialect are most distinctly marked. Thus, the infinitive never ends in -an, but in -a, and less frequently in -e, as in wyrce, gedoa, iii. 4; cf. ofslaa, vi. 19; losiga, iii. 6; bodiga, iii. 14; gereofage (miswritten gereofa ge) iii. 27. In the present tense, the first person commonly ends in -o or -a, as sago, v. 41; milsa, viii. 2; the second person in -es, -as, or as, as styres, v. 35; gegiuas, vi. 23; docs, xi. 28; also in is, as hæfis, x. 21; the third in -es, -as, -eð or -að, its irregularity being strikingly pointed out in such glosses as saues1 vel sauað, iv. 16; saueð vel sauas, iv. 18; slepiað vel sleped, iv. 27; again, hafed and hafes occur in consecutive verses, iii. 29, 30. The plural is commonly in -as or -es, but also in að or -eð; as in gecunnas, iv. 13; stondes, iii. 31; soeca, iii. 32; doed, vii. 9. In the second person, the pronoun gie is often attached to the verb, as in oncneawesgie, vii. 18; this is commonest in the case of arogie (ye are). The termination -e generally indicates the subjunctive mood, in all persons; as in ic sée, xiv. 44; du hæbbe, x. 21; he gesege, viii. 24; we bycge, vi. 37; gie geonge, vi. 10; hia were, iii. 14. In the past tense plural, the common ending is -on, sometimes -un (cwomun, iii. 13); but occasionally the striking form -es or as appears, as in awades vel mersades, iii. 12; mahtœs, ii. 10. Sometimes the ending is cut down to -e, as in mæhte woe, ix. 28.

In the imperative singular, verbs are reduced to their stem, as in arís, v. 41; in the plural, the ending is commonly -as or -es, as in sceacas, vi. 11; cymes, vi. 31; the irregularity being well shown in the gloss bycges vel ceapas, vi. 36; but observe wunað, vi. 10. The past part. of weak verbs ends in -ad or -ed, which are sometimes changed into at or -et; as in geboetad, iii. 5; gecerred, iii. 21; gesettet, iv. 21. We must not omit to remark the occasional appearance of -m at the end of the 1st p. s. pres. in geseom, viii. 24; doam, xi. 33; beom,

1 Possibly saues may be meant for the passive voice here, just as -es is so used in Danish.
2 Miswritten sleped in v. 39.

ix. 19; in xi. 29 we find the gloss ic doe vel doam. This is a relic of the old personal pronoun which appears in the Sanskrit ásmi, Greek ciμí, Latin sum, and English am. Of the verb to be, the commonest forms are 1 p. s. beom, 3 p. s. bið (ix. 35), pl. biðon (xi. 25; x. 8). From the infin. wosa (ix. 35), we have 2 p. s. ard, iii. 11; 3 p. s. is; pl. sint or aron, both of which occur in vii. 4; in the 2 p. pl. the pronoun is almost invariably suffixed, thus forming arogie, v. 39. Pt. tense was, pl. weron, woeron; subj. pres. se, sie, x. 38, 39; sée, xiv. 44. Imp. s. was, as in the famous phrase was hal (v. 34), the original of our wassail.

All these examples are from the Lindisfarne gloss only. It is hardly necessary to say more of the Rushworth gloss than that it represents the same dialect in a slightly later form, and presents similar terminations. Yet it has some peculiarities of its own, amongst which we must not omit to observe the very frequent substitution of u for o (especially -un for -on), and the use of gi- as a prefix instead of ge-. We often find -a and -o reduced to the less definite -e, as in siofune for seofana, viii. 20; twelfe for twelfo, iii. 14; diphthongs replaced by simple vowels, as in ge for gie; u replaced by w, as in cwad for cuoed; and the general system of terminations simplified, so that the grammar of the Rushworth gloss becomes much more regular than that of the other, the common endings of the present and past tenses plural being -as and -un respectively.

In concluding the Preface, I wish to express my thanks to the Syndics of the Pitt Press for undertaking the publication of this volume.

[Fol. 89.]

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