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lordship, which makes me need to say the less; only I humbly pray you to believe, that I aspire to the conscience and commendation of " bonus civis," and "bonus vir;" and that though I love some things better, I confess, than I love your lordship, yet I love few persons better; both for gratitude's sake, and for your virtues, which cannot hurt but by accident; of which my good affection it may please your lordship to assure yourself; and of all the true effect and offices I can yield. For as I was ever sorry your lordship should fly with waxen wings, doubting Icarus's fortune, so for the growing up of your own feathers, be they ostrich's or other kind, no man shall be more glad. And this is the axletree whereon I have turned and shall turn. Which having already signified to you by some near mean, having so fit a messenger for mine own letter, I thought good also to redouble by writing. And so I commend you to God's protection. From Gray's-Inn this 9th day of July, 1600.

LI. AN ANSWER OF MY LORD OF ESSEX, TO THE PRECEDING LETTER OF MR. BACON.†

MR. BACON,

I CAN neither expound nor censure your late actions; being ignorant of all of them save one ; and having directed my sight inward only to examine myself. You do pray me to believe, that you only aspire to the conscience and commendation of " bonus civis," and "bonus vir;" and I do faithfully assure you, that while that is your ambition, though your course be active, and mind contemplative, yet we shall both "convenire in eodem tertio;" and "convenire inter nos ipsos." Your profession of affection, and offer of good offices, are welcome to me; for answer to them I will say but this; that you have believed I have been kind to you, and you may believe that I cannot be other, either upon humour or mine own election. I am a stranger to all poetical conceits, or else I should say somewhat of your poetical example. But this I must say, that I never flew with other wings than desire to merit, and confidence in my sovereign's favour; and when one of these wings failed me, I would light no where but at my sovereign's feet, though she suffered me to be bruised with my fall. And till her Majesty, that knows I was never bird of prey, finds it to agree with her will and her service that my wings should be imped again, I have committed myself to the mue. No power but my God's, and my sovereign's, can alter this resolution of

Your retired friend,

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LII. TO MY LORD OF ESSEX.

MY LORD,

I AM glad your lordship hath plunged out of your own business: wherein I must commend your lordship, as Xenophon commended the state of his country, which was this, that having chosen the worst form of government of all others, they governed the best in that kind. "Hoc pace et venia tua," according to my charter. Now, as your lordship is my witness that I would not trouble you whilst your own cause was in hand, though that I know, that the farther from the term, the better the time was to deal for me, so that being concluded, I presume I shall be one of your next cares. And having communicated with my brother of some course, either to perfect the first, or to make me some other way; or rather, by seeming to make me some other way to perfect the first; wherewith he agreed to acquaint your lordship; I am desirous, for mine own better satisfaction, to speak with your lordship myself: which I had rather were somewhere else than at court; and as soon as your lordship will assign me to wait on you. And so in, &c.

LIII. TO MY LORD OF ESSEX.§

IT MAY PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIP,

THAT your lordship is in statu quo prius, no man taketh greater gladness than I do; the rather, because I assure myself that of your eclipses, as this hath been the longest, it shall be the least; as the comical poet saith" Neque illam tu satis noveras, neque te illa; hocque fit, ubi non vere vivitur."|| For if I may be so bold as to say what I think, I believe neither your lordship looked to have found her Majesty in all points as you have done, neither her Majesty per case looked to have found your lordship as she hath done. And therefore I hope upon this experience may grow more perfect knowledge, and upon knowledge more true consent; which I, for my part, do infinitely wish, as accounting these accidents to be like the fish remora; which though it be not great, yet hath it a hidden property to hinder the sailing of the ship. And therefore, as bearing unto your lordship, after her Majesty, of all public persons, the second duty, I could not but signify unto you my affectionate gratulation. .And so I commend your good lordship to the best preservation of the Divine Majesty. From Gray's-Inn.

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lbid.

§ Ibid.

And yet nevertheless, in that kind also I intend to avoid a suspicious silence, but not to make any base apology. It is blown about the town, that I should give opinion touching my lord of Essex's cause; first, that it was a præmunire; and now last, that it reached to high treason; and this opinion should be given in opposition to the opinion of the lord chief justice, and of Mr. Attorney-General. Sir, I thank God, whatsoever opinion my head serveth me to deliver to her Majesty, being asked, my heart serveth me to maintain, the same honest duty directing me and assisting me. But the utter untruth of this report God and the queen can witness; and the improbability of it, every man that hath wit, more or less, can conceive. The root of this I discern to be not so much a light and humourous envy at my accesses to her Majesty, which of her Majesty's grace being begun in my first years, I would be sorry she should estrange in my last years; for so I account them, reckoning by health not by age; as a deep malice to your honourable self; upon whom, by me, through nearness, they think to make some aspersion. But as I know no remedy against libels and lies; so I hope it shall make no manner of disseverance of your honourable good conceits and affection towards me; which is the thing I confess to fear. For as for any violence to be offered to me, wherewith my friends tell me, to no small terror, that I am threatened, I thank God I have the privy coat of a good conscience; and have a good while since put off any fearful care of life, or the accidents of life. So desiring to be preserved in your good opinion, I remain.

This last letter seems to be wrote 1600, in the interval between the return of the earl of Essex from Ireland, and his hearing before the lord chancellor, &c.

LV. TO MY LORD HENRY HOWARD.*

MY LORD,

THERE be very few besides yourself, to whom I would perform this respect. For I contemn mendacia fame, as it walks among inferiors; though I neglect it not, as it may have entrance into some ears. For your lordship's love, rooted upon good opinion, I esteem it highly, because I have tasted the fruits of it; and we both have tasted of the best waters, in my account, to knit minds together. There is shaped a tale in London's forge, that beateth apace at this time, that I should deliver opinion to the queen in my lord of Essex's cause: first, that it was a præmunire; and now last, that it was high treason; and this opinion to be in opposition and encounter of the lord chief justice's opinion and the attorney-general's. My lord, I thank God, my wit serveth me not to deliver any opinion to the queen, which my stomach serveth me not to maintain; one and the same conscience of duty guiding me and fortifying me. But the untruth of this fable God and my sovereign can witness, and there I leave it; Rawley's Resuscitatio,

knowing no more remedy against lies, than others do against libels. The root, no question of it, is partly some light-headed envy at my accesses to her Majesty; which being begun and continued since my childhood, as long as her Majesty shall think me worthy of them, I scorn those that shall think the contrary and another reason is the aspersion of this tale, and the envy thereof, upon some greater man, in regard of my nearness. And therefore, my lord, I pray you answer for me, to any person that you think worthy your own reply, and my defence. For my lord of Essex, I am not servile to him, having regard to my superior's duty. I have been much bound unto him. And on the other side, I have spent more time and more thoughts about his well doing, than ever I did about mine own. God, you his friends, amongst you, be in the right. "Nulla remedia tam faciunt dolorem, quam qua sunt salutaria." For my part, I have deserved better, than to have my name objected to envy, or my life to a ruffian's violence. But I have the privy coat of a good conscience. I am sure these courses and bruits hurt my lord more than all. So having written to your lordship, I desire exceedingly to be preferred in your good opinion and love: and s leave you to God's goodness.

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3 December 1599.

I pray

LVI. TWO LETTERS, FRAMED, THE ONE AS FROM MR. ANTHONY BACON, TO THE EARL OF ESSEX; THE OTHER, AS THE EARL'S ANSWER THEREUNTO:†

Both written by Mr. Francis Bacon, at the instance of M Anthony Bacon his brother, and to be showed to the queer upon some fit occasion; as a mean to work her Majesty receive the earl again to favour and attendance at cour They were devised whilst my lord remained prisoner in hi own house. See Sir Francis Bacon's Apology to the ea of Devonshire.

MY SINGULAR GOOD LORD,

THIS standing at a stay in your lordship's for tunes doth make me, in my love towards your lore ship, jealous lest you do somewhat, or omit some what, that amounteth to a new error. For I suppos that of all former matters there is a full expiation wherein, for any thing that your lordship doth, I fo my part, who am remote, cannot cast nor devis wherein any error should be, except in one poin which I dare not censure nor dissuade; which I that as the prophet saith, in this affliction you loc up "ad manum percutientem," and so make you peace with God. And yet I have heard it note that my lord of Leicester, who could never get be taken for a saint, nevertheless in the queen's di favour waxed seeming religious: which may thought by some, and used by others, as a case r sembling yours, if men do not see, or will not s the difference between your two dispositions. to be plain with your lordship, my fear rather is, b cause I hear how some of your good and wise friend not unpractised in the court, and supposing then + Ibid.

B

selves not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable centre of the court, which is her Majesty's mind, do not only toll the bell, but even ring out peals, as if your fortune were dead and buried, and as if there were no possibility of recovering her Majesty's favour; and as if the best of your condition were to live a private and retired life, out of want, out of peril and out of manifest disgrace; and so in this persuasion of their's include a persuasion to your lordship to frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end: I fear, I say, that this untimely despair may in time bring forth a just despair, by causing your lordship to slacken and break off your wise, loyal, and seasonable endeavours and industry for redintegration to her Majesty's favour; in comparison whereof all other circumstances are but as atomi, or rather as a tacuum without any substance at all. Against this opinion it may please your lordship to consider of these reasons which I have collected. and to make judgment of them, neither out of the melancholy of your present fortune, nor out of the infusion of that which cometh to you by others' relation, which is subject to much tincture, but ex rebus ipsis, out of the nature of the persons and actions themselves, as the trustiest and least deceiving grounds of opinion. For though I am so unfortunate as to be a stranger to her Majesty's eye, and much more to her nature and manners; yet by that which is apparent, I do manifestly discern, that she hath that character of the divine nature and goodness, “quos amavit, amavit usque ad finem;" and where she hath a creature, she doth not deface nor defeat it; insomuch as, if I observe rightly in those persons whom heretofore she hath honoured with her special favour, she hath covered and remitted not only defects and ingratitudes in affection, but errors in state and service. Secondly, if I can spell and scholarlike put together the parts of her Majesty's proceedings now towards your lordship, I cannot but make this construction, that her Majesty in her royal intention never purposed to call your lordship's doings into public question; but only to have used a cloud without a shower, in censuring them by some temporary restraint only of liberty, and debarring from her presence. For, first, the handling the cause in the star-chamber, you not being called, was enforced by the violence of libelling and rumours, wherein the queen thought to have satisfied the world, and yet spared your lordship's appearance; and after, when that means which was intended for the quenching of malicious bruits, turned to kindle them, because it was said your lordship was condemned unheard, and your lordship's sister wrote that piquant letter, then her Majesty saw plainly, that these winds of rumours could not be commanded down without a handling of the cause, by making you a party, and admitting your defence. And to this purpose I do assure your lordship, that my brother Francis Bacon, who is too wise, I think, to be abused, and too honest to abuse; though he be more reserved in all particulars than is needful, yet in generality he hath ever constantly and with asseveration affirmed to me, that both those days, that of the star-chamber, and that at

my lord keeper's, were won from the queen merely upon necessity and point of honour, against her own inclination. Thirdly, in the last proceeding, I note three points, which are directly significant, that her Majesty did expressly forbear any point which was | *irreparable, or might make your lordship in any degree uncapable of the return of her favour; or might fix any character indelible of disgrace upon you for she spared the public place of the starchamber, which spared ignominy; she limited the charge precisely not to touch upon any pretence of disloyalty; and no record remaineth to memory of the charge or sentence. Fourthly, the very distinction which was made in the sentence of sequestration from the places of service in state, and leaving to your lordship the place of master of the horse, doth, to my understanding, indicativè, point at this; that her Majesty meant to use your lordship's attendance in court, while the exercises of the other places stood suspended. Fifthly, I have heard, and your lordship knoweth better than I, that now, since you were in your own custody, her Majesty in verbo regio, and by his mouth, to whom she committeth her royal grants and decrees, hath assured your lordship she will forbid, and not suffer, your ruin. Sixthly, as I have heard her Majesty to be a prince of that magnanimity, that she will spare the service of the ablest subject or peer, when she shall be thought to stand in need of it; so she is of that policy, as she will not lose the service of a meaner than your lordship, where it shall depend merely upon her choice and will. Seventhly, I hold it for a principle, that generally those diseases are hardest to cure whereof the cause is obscure; and those easiest, whereof the cause is manifest: whereupon I conclude, that since it hath been your error in your courses towards her Majesty, which hath prejudiced you, that your reforming and conformity will restore you; so as you may be faber fortunæ propriæ. Lastly, considering your lordship is removed from dealing in causes of state, and left only to a place of attendance; methinks the ambition of any man, who can endure no partners in state matters, may be so quenched, as they should not laboriously oppose themselves to your being in court: so as upon the whole matter, I can find neither in her Majesty's person, nor in your own person, nor in any third person, neither in former precedents, nor in your own case, any cause of dry and peremptory despair. Neither do I speak this so, but that, if her Majesty, out of her resolution, should design you to a private life, you should be as willing, upon her appointment, to go into the wilderness, as into the land of promise. Only I wish your lordship will not preoccupate despair, but put trust, next to God, in her Majesty's grace, and not to be wanting to yourself. I know your lordship may justly interpret, that this which I persuade, may have some reference to my particular, because I may truly say, Te stante, not virebo, for I am withered in myself, but manebo, or tenebo; I shall in some sort be, or hold out. But though your lordship's years and health may expect return of grace and fortune; yet your eclipse for a time is an ultimum vale to my Irrecuperable, Cab.

fortune; and were it not that I desire and hope to see my brother established, by her Majesty's favour, as I think him well worthy, for that he hath done and suffered, it were time I did take that course, from which I dissuade your lordship. But now in the mean time, I cannot choose but perform these honest duties to you, to whom I have been so deeply bounden.

LVII. A LETTER FRAMED AS FROM THE EARL IN ANSWER TO THE FORMER LETTER.*

MR. BACON,

I THANK you for your kind and careful letter. It persuades me to that which I wish strongly, and hope for weakly; that is, possibility of restitution to her Majesty's favour; but your arguments that would cherish hope turn to despair. You say the queen never meant to call me to public censure, which showeth her goodness; but you see I passed under it, which showeth others' power. I believe most stedfastly her Majesty never intended to bring my cause to a sentence; and I believe as verily, that since that sentence she meant to restore me to attend upon her person. But they that could use occasions, which was not in me to let, and amplify occasions, and practise upon occasions, to represent to her Majesty a necessity to bring me to the one, can and will do the like to stop me from the other. You say, my errors were my prejudice, and therefore I can mend myself: it is true; but they that know that I can mend myself, and that if ever I recover the queen, that I will never lose her again; will never suffer me to obtain interest in her favour. And you say the queen never forsook utterly, where she inwardly favoured: but I know not whether the hour-glass of time hath altered her mind; but sure I am the false glass of others' informations must alter her, when I want access to plead my own I know I ought doubly to be her Majesty's; both jure creationis, for I am her creature; and jure redemptionis, for I know she hath saved me from overthrow. But for her first love, and for her last protection, and all her great benefits, I can but pray for her Majesty and my endeavours are now to make my prayers for her Majesty and myself better heard. For, thanks be to God, they that can make her Majesty believe I counterfeit with her, cannot make God believe that I counterfeit with him; and they which can let me from coming near unto her, cannot let me from drawing near unto him, as I hope I do daily. For your brother, I hold him an honest gentleman, and wish him all good, much rather for your sake. Yourself I know hath suffered more for me and with me, than any friend I have: yet I cannot but lament freely, as you see I do; and advise you not to do that which I do, which is to despair. You know letters what hurt they have done me, and therefore make sure of this: and yet I could not, as Rawley's Resuscitatio. Therefore this was wrote, 1603,

cause.

having no other pledge of my love, but communicate freely with you, for the ease of my heart and yours.

LVIII. A LETTER TO MR. SECRETARY CECIL, AFTER THE + DEFEATING OF THE SPANISH FORCES IN IRELAND; INCITING HIM TO EMBRACE THE CARE OF REDUCING THAT KINGDOM TO CIVILITY, WITH SOME REASONS ENCLOSED.

IT MAY PLEASE YOUR HONOUR,

As one that wisheth you all increase of honour; and as one that cannot leave to love the state, what interest soever I have, or may come to have in it; and as one that now this dead vacation time hath some leisure ad aliud agendum; I will presume to propound unto you that which though you cannot but see, yet I know not whether you apprehend and esteem it in so high a degree; that is, for the best action of importation to yourself, of sound honour and merit to her Majesty and this crown, without ventosity and popularity, that the riches of any occasion, or the tide of any opportunity, can possibly minister or offer: and that is the causes of Ireland, if they be taken by the right handle. For if the wound be not ripped up again, and come to a § recrudency by new foreign succours, I think that no physician will go on much with letting of blood, in declinatione morbi; but will intend to purge and corroborate. To which purpose I send you mine opinion, without labour of words, in the enclosed; and sure I am, that if you shall enter into the matter according to the vivacity of your own spirit, nothing can make unto you a more gainful return. For you shall make the queen's felicity complete, which now, as it is, is incomparable: and for yourself, you shall show yourself as good a patriot as you are thought a politic, and make the world perceive you have not less generous ends, than dexterous delivery of yourself towards your ends; and that you have as well true arts and grounds of government, as the facility and felicity of practice and negotiation; and that you are as well seen in the periods and tides of estates, as in your own circle and way: than the which, I suppose, nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you. This, I hope, I may in privateness write, either as a kinsman, that may be bold; or as a scholar, that hath liberty of discourse, without committing any absurdity. But if it seem any error in me thus to intromit myself, pray your honour to believe, I ever loved her Majesty and the state, and now love yourself; and there is never any vehement love without some absurdity, as the Spaniard well says: "desuario con la calentura." So desiring your honour's pardon, I ever

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and justice, as to obedience and peace, which things, as affairs now stand, I hold to be inseparable, consisteth in four points:

1. The extinguishing of the relicks of the war. 2. The recovery of the hearts of the people.

3. The removing of the root and occasions of new troubles.

4 Plantations and buildings.

For the first; concerning the places and times, and particularities of farther prosecution, in fact I leave it to the opinion of men of war; only the difficulty is, to distinguish and discern the propositions, which shall be according to the ends of the state here, that is, final and summary towards the extirpation of the troubles, from those, which though they pretend public ends, yet may refer indeed to the more private and compendious ends of the council there or of the particular governors or captains. But still, as I touched in my letter, I do think much | letting blood, in declinatione morbi, is against method of cure; and that it will but induce necessity, and exasperate despair; and percase discover the hollowness of that which is done already, which now blazeth to the best show. For laglia's and proscriptions of two or three of the principal rebels, they are, no doubt, jure gentium, lawful: in Italy usually practised upon the banditti; best in season when a side goeth down; and may do good in two kinds; the one, if they take effect; the other, in the distrust which may follow amongst the rebels themselves. But of all other points, to my understanding, the most effectual is, the well expressing or impressing the design of this state, upon that miserable and desolate kingdom; containing the same between these two lists or boundaries; the one, that the queen seeketh not an extirpation of that people, but a reduction; and that, now she hath chastised them by her royal power and arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her Majesty taketh no pleasure in effusion of blood, or displanting of ancient generations. The other, that her Majesty's princely care is principally and intentionally bent upon the action of Ireland; and that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the royal performance of the office of protection, and reclaim of those her subjects: and in a word, that the case is altered so far as may stand with the honour of the time past which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed. And again, I do repeat, that if her Majesty's design be ex professo to reduce wild and barbarous people to civility and justice, as well as to reduce rebels to obedience, it makes weakness turn christianity, and conditions graces; and so hath a fineness in turning utility upon point of honour, which is agreeable to the humour of these times. And besides, if her Majesty shall suddenly abate the lists of her forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in point of reputation, of a politic proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this; adding reputation to the cause, by imprinting an opinion of her Majesty's care and intention upon this action, is the taking away of reputation from the contrary side,

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* Al. Taglaes.

by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign succours; to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement, and if it be not wrapped up in the period of this summer, seemeth to be an opportunity cœlitus demissa. And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a treaty, or a shadow of a treaty of a peace with Spain, which methinks shall be in our power to fasten at least rumore tenus, to the deluding of as wise people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point; that which the ancients called "potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem;" and which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong, or proud, but effectual in his declination; that is, a liberal proclamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit, and come in within a time prefixed, and of some farther reward to such as shall bring others in; that one's sword may be sharpened by another's, is a matter of good experience, and now, I think, will come in time. And percase, though I wish the exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strength, but to translate them and their generations into England; and give them recompence and satisfaction here, for their possessions there, as the king of Spain did, by divers families of Portugal. To the effecting of all the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following, nothing can be in priority, either of time or matter, better than the sending of some commission of countenance, ad res inspiciendas et componendas; for it will be a very significant demonstration of her Majesty's care of that kingdom; a credence to any that shall come in and submit; a bridle to any that shall have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private ends; and an evidence that her Majesty, after arms laid down, speedily pursueth a politic course, without neglect or respiration: and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of government.

Towards the recovery of the hearts of the people, there be but three things, in natura rerum. 1. Religion.

2. Justice and protection. 3. Obligation and reward.

For religion, to speak first of piety, and then of policy, all divines do agree, that if consciences be to be enforced at all, wherein yet they differ, two things must precede their enforcement; the one, means of instruction; the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to the true religion than otherwise; as pearls cast before swine: for till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft, which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the nation, they are incompatible with religion reformed. For policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaiming, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences, whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed both with the people, and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the catholic religion and it is

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